Under the Awami League’s regime, there was a surge in communal attacks against various communities. None of these attacks ever resulted in prosecution. Consequently, members of the Sanatan community have opted to leave Bangladesh and resettle elsewhere due to the ongoing assaults.

According to a recently published research report,  In 2011, two years after the Awami League (AL) came into power, about 9.61% of Bangladesh’s population were religious and ethnic minorities. Among them, 8.54% were Hindus, with smaller percentages of Buddhists (0.62%), Christians (0.31%), and other minority groups (0.14%). The recent 2022 census showed that Bangladesh’s Hindu population dropped to 7.95% in 2022 from 8.54% in 2011.

The report stated that since the Awami League regained power in 2009, especially after the questionable elections of 2014 and 2018, the rights of Bangladesh’s minority groups have declined precipitously. According to the Hindu Mohajote, an organisation of Bangladeshi Hindus, in just 2022, 154 Hindu community members were killed. In 2020, 149 Hindus were killed, and in the previous year, 108 were killed. Another human rights group, Ain O Salish Kendra, documented 3,679 incidents of attacks on Hindus from 2013 to September 2021. These attacks included 1559 incidents of breaking into homes and 1678 incidents of damaging idols and places of worship and causing the deaths of 11 Hindus. 

The most severe attack on the Hindu community took place in 2021 during the Durga Puja festival. During this coordinated attack, individuals associated with the Awami League called on local Muslims to attack Hindu temples in protest.

The report analysed the four cases to understand why communal attacks have increased, which showed a familiar pattern. The attackers were, to some extent, protected by local ruling party leaders; in these cases, the Awami League and administration failed to act promptly to save the religious minority communities partly because of the political nature of the attacks. In at least two cases, people linked to attacks were not adequately investigated due to their political links. Hardly any of the incidents saw proper justice, and in most cases, the trial continued without any headway. 

Besides, an analysis of significant attacks reveals that the ruling A.L. leaders and their associates were involved in the attacks, in addition to members of the administration who not only failed to prevent the attacks but also, in some cases, were directly involved. For instance, during the attacks against the indigenous Santal community in Gaibandha, members of the police forces were seen setting fire to houses. The AL regime failed to bring the perpetrators to justice and hampered and delayed the investigation. The investigation report’s perpetrators’ names were removed while framing the charge sheet. In some cases, the AL even nominated perpetrators to compete for public offices.

It also stated that the list of crimes and irregularities is only a partial representation of the situation, as the ruling AL has created a culture of fear by curbing media freedom. Journalists and social media activists have been persecuted most by the infamous Digital Security Act 2018 (currently the Cyber Security Act or CSA). Between October 8, 2018, and April 18, 2023, a total of 1302 cases were filed, and at least 3687 individuals were accused in these cases, mostly for merely criticising the AL leaders and government officials. If the media worked more freely, more cases of ruling party involvement could have been unearthed. An independent investigation in the future could provide a more complete picture of the nature and dynamics of communal attacks under the AL regime.

The report also provided a comparative discussion on the measures taken against communal violence during BNP and AL regimes. It stated that contrasting the AL regime’s involvement in minority attacks and failure to ensure justice, the steps taken by the BNP government after the attacks in 2001 clearly demonstrate the difference between these two political parties. While the AL always projects itself as a "saviour" of the minority community and tries to create a false narrative of secularism to ensure a "vote bank," in reality, AL leaders were involved in attacks against the minority community for more material benefits, such as land and property grabbing. 

It also stated that in 2001, there were some incidents of attacks on religious minority communities during a transition period while the election-time caretaker government was transferring power to the newly-elected BNP government. However, working in a free environment, the media spotlighted these regrettable incidents. With the judiciary, the legislature and the executive branches functioning independently, they held each other accountable and managed to stop the escalation of communal violence.

Following the publication of news of violence in the newspapers in late November 2001, the High Court directed the government to investigate and report on attacks on religious minorities, as well as to demonstrate that it is taking necessary steps to protect minorities. Later that year, the government presented their report. In late 2001, the High Court ordered the new government to investigate and report on attacks on religious minorities and demonstrate that it was taking necessary steps to protect them. Later, in 2002, the government submitted its report. The BNP government accepted reports of atrocities committed by Muslims and Hindus and promised to look into them. On September 10, 2002, a Speedy Trial Tribunal in Barisal sentenced two people to life in jail for the 2001 rape of one of the Hindu women.

Ganojyoti Mohasthobir, a Buddhist monk, was murdered in 2002 in a Buddhist monastery and orphanage in Rauzan, Chittagong. According to media sources, his death was the result of a land dispute. Following the incident, the Home Minister and Foreign Minister visited the temple. They told the public that the incident would be thoroughly examined and that anyone responsible would face charges. Three of the seven suspects in the killing were later arrested by police. Following a trial in 2005, seven people were convicted and sentenced to death.

After police filed a case in November 2002, a verdict was handed in the 2001 assassination of Principal Gopal Krishna Muhuri of Nazirhat College in Chittagong. Four defendants were sentenced to life in prison and four to death.

This report was prepared by referring to the sources of various reports of the US State Department, National Daily. Road to Democracy produced the research report.