In Bangladesh, the tension between Islam and the secular framework of a modern state is not a new challenge.

It is a conflict familiar to every Muslim-majority nation, yet the particular dynamics at play here require deeper scrutiny.

Here, the Islamists remain relegated to the periphery of mainstream cultural discourse, painted as "other" by the secular elites.

Unlike in the West, where secularism often strives to bring all religions together, Bangladesh’s secularism has taken a different, and deeply problematic, form.

It has evolved into a brand of Islamophobia, influenced by Indian Hindu nationalist rhetoric, which has further alienated the Muslim population.

At the same time, the various factions within the Islamic movement in Bangladesh are far from unified.

Despite this, the lack of consensus on core issues is not the only concern.

Under former dictator Sheikh Hasina’s leadership, her administration’s bestowal of the "Qaumi Janani" title has resulted in what can only be described as a moral collapse — a process that, in effect, saw the Islamic community and scholars selling out their values to political expediency.

This has undermined the moral foundation of society, giving rise to the “Shahbaghi culture” outcome, which we are still grappling with today.

But that is a discussion for another time. What is undeniable is that a new political reality emerged after the 5th of August, changing the landscape of Bangladesh’s struggle.

Now, the onus is on the right-wing to take up the mantle of democracy in Bangladesh. The progressive left, through its Shahbagh model, has effectively undermined the political promises of progressivism, leading to a rise in opposition to the ideology of the liberation war, rooted in the Awami-Bengali left.

In essence, what we are witnessing in Bangladesh could be termed as a “right-wing coup.”

The immediate challenge for this emerging right-wing movement is to craft an inclusive, democratic governance model that will resonate in today’s global context.

To sustain itself, Bangladesh must adopt democratic processes while finding a way to incorporate Islamic intellectual thought and identity into the national conversation.

But the road is steep. There is no institutional support, no backing from superpowers, and the political space is highly fragmented.

Without action, Bangladesh’s Islamic movement will slowly be absorbed and defeated by the dominant Shahbagh narrative.

Breaking the Narrative

The reality is harsh: When you are labeled a “mob,” an extremist, or anti-women, and pushed to the margins of society, you become the perfect scapegoat for those in power.

This is how the cultural framework of the deposed Awami League remains intact.

Even some who oppose the Awami League participate in this narrative, and thus begins the war to label you a terrorist or foreign agent.

The battle to reclaim a space in the civic discourse, to define yourself and your values, will be long and difficult, but it is a battle that cannot be avoided.

Your challenge is to disrupt the continuous narrative of the Awami-Indian-Shahbagh alliance within the civic sphere.

You must first break this monopoly and assert your right to religious freedom, positioning yourself as an advocate for the rights of all people.

The secular-left-Shahbagh discourse dominates the civic space, and you must dismantle it.

You need to stand at the forefront of protecting Bangladesh’s sovereignty—not as a minority but as an integral part of the main civic force.

If any Islamic group takes actions that harm the state of Bangladesh, even if you agree with them, it is your responsibility to engage in dialogue and help them understand national interests.

Scholars must lead this effort. The League, Shahbagh, and Indian media are always ready to label your initiatives as terrorist acts—this is something you must remain vigilant about.

You must understand that you are living within a secular framework. If you act as though you are in a theological state, you will be excluded from the civic discourse.

Yes, you are a Muslim, but your state is not Islamic, and you must remember this when you act. Bangladesh is not a Sharia state, nor is it a society based on Sharia principles.

If you push your beliefs and religion as the majority, a backlash will immediately follow. You will become reactionary.

When you are oppressed because of your beliefs or your attire, there is no public outcry. Public protest only happens when someone is not allowed to smoke a bidi/cigarette in public—that's the reality.

In a secular framework, the issue of your rights is not the top priority. What matters is whether 2% or 5% of the population is able to practice cultural modernity according to their standards, because in the political economy, that matters.

Not you. Society operates according to their narrative, not yours.

Where lies the actual struggle?

Your struggle, therefore, is twofold: First, you must defend the rights of others—whether it’s their right to smoke a bidi in peace or to live without fear of oppression.

You must ensure that no one feels insecure because of their beliefs. Simultaneously, you must practice and defend your own values. And you need to bring these values into the mainstream with pure aesthetics, not through force.

If you fail to do this, you might not even fully grasp the consequences. Let me leave you with an example:

Have you ever thought about how the term “Tawhidi Janata” (Monotheistic people) has been presented?

Tawhid is not just an Islamic belief; it is the core belief of all Abrahamic and monotheistic religions. Anyone who believes in the unseen is a Tawhidi. This includes both Islamic and other Ahle Kitab (People of the Book) brothers and sisters.

Now, by labeling this vast group of people as a “mob” or “extremists,” the power structures shape their narrative using an old pagan or idol-worshiping perspective (those who have integrated well into the modern secular worldview).

These are the same people who define your identity. But the Tawhidi identity is not a political identity. Not all Tawhidi people are the same.

There are significant differences among them. Even the religious Shahbaghis are part of the Tawhidi Janata. They too are labeling you.

Have you considered whose political agenda is being advanced by tagging and mocking an entire community?

Islam is a multifaceted religion with a wide array of interpretations, and its political expressions are equally diverse.

Yet, in Bangladesh, when a narrative is constructed to belittle Islam, it is framed within a clash between Islamic and anti-Islamic forces, often pitting Islam or monotheism against the Indian Bengali nationalist secular camp.

In this context, many moderate or politically Shahbagh-opposed individuals end up adopting a Shahbagh position themselves.

In an effort to distance themselves from the accused, they inadvertently become anti-secular, seeking refuge under the secular umbrella.

As a result, the anti-Islamic pagan narrative, disguised as secularism, remains entrenched in the mainstream discourse.

Breaking the secular-cultural monopoly

Islam, as a universal value, has yet to be fully integrated into Bangladeshi society.

In a society where practices like prayer, sermons, interest, bribery, and lies coexist, there is a significant portion of the population, especially women, who strongly oppose those who openly advocate for Islam.

In this social environment, you must build your own place. If you fail to do so, and instead engage only in emotional politics, it will amount to nothing more than fanaticism.

The misguided values of [Awami] League then will take charge–directly or indirectly. You will end up aligning yourself with the criminal (as seen in the Shahbagh scarf incident).

For this reason, you may even cheer for extreme materialists as leaders of the Islamic movement, believing them, because these hypocrites understand that you are steadfast in defending your faith and the honor of your Prophet.

They seek to exploit this for their own gain. Therefore, you must develop yourself. How long will you remain a second-class citizen? How long will you continue to be used for quotas?

From the very beginning, I have been saying that no ideological force can come to power in Bangladesh because there is no mentality of respecting differences here.

The progressives in this country are the most reactionary. They stand against the emotions and beliefs of large communities for the sake of their own cultural freedom. I’ve already spoken about the Islamists.

Those who will come to power are the ones who can embrace all ideologies and conduct value-based politics. Ideological struggles will persist in society.

These individuals will try to expand their influence and popularity. They will exist as communities and must have their rights.

However, the state must be value-based. Values, however, are not created by people. They come from divine order. Islam will naturally play a role in shaping these values in Bangladesh.

To do so, we must make Islamic values universal. To achieve this, we will need many scholars as well as many secular theologians who can create a philosophical discourse that every individual in society can accept—independently, without hesitation.

We all speak of unity, but national unity requires a common discourse. This discourse must be spiritually powerful.

Without creating this national-civilizational sense of belonging, unity will never be achieved. Everyone will see others as inferior, and a tribal conflict will persist. We must be able to theorize this.

It’s easy to say, but extremely difficult to accomplish. However, it must be done. It will not happen through seasonal gimmicks.

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Rezaul Karim Rony is a writer and thinker. He is the editor of Joban magazine