Professor Dr Dilara Choudhury is a retired lecturer from the Department of Government and Politics at Jahangirnagar University. She is a writer and researcher who regularly contributes to various professional journals in Bangladesh and abroad. She is the author of "Bangladesh and the South Asian International System" and "Constitutional Development in Bangladesh: Stresses and Strains."

Dr. Choudhury visited Columbia University twice as a visiting scholar in 1989-90 and 1990-91. She actively participated in the democratisation process in Bangladesh and collaborated with USAID, CIDA, and the Asia Foundation. Additionally, she served as a member of the 1992 USAID-sponsored Democracy Assessment Team. Dr. Choudhury shared insights on various issues in Bangladesh's current political context in an interview with Bangla Outlook conducted by Saeed Khan.

Despite debates and criticisms, the government did finally hold the election. How should the election be evaluated?

Dilara Choudhury: Through an election, social balance is achieved, stability is ensured, government accountability is established, and good governance is promoted. A good election brightens the democratic future of a country. However, the election we witnessed on January 7th is not a democratic one. An election implies competition between different political parties, where they present their distinct manifestos, and the people choose from among them. This represents proper democracy. Unfortunately, the election I observed lacked the opportunity for the people to make a genuine choice. The demise of our electoral system began in 2009, and the recent election has further buried the democratic principles our electoral system once upheld.

Did the Awami League have a desire for the participation of all parties, particularly the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), in the recent election?

Dilara Choudhury: No, I don't believe so. Had the Awami League desired it, they would have been willing to compromise with the BNP to some extent. The Awami League remained unyielding despite Peter D. Haas's (U.S. Ambassador) efforts. They didn't even see the necessity of discussing it with other parties. What they implemented was solely based on their preferences. They wanted to include various smaller parties under their influence, particularly the Jatiya Party, so they could argue that the election involved the participation of all parties. The Awami League recognizes that these smaller parties pose no threat to their power; they are all under control. The only formidable challenger to their authority is the BNP, which can establish an alternative government and enjoys public support. So, Sheikh Hasina did not want the BNP to participate in the elections.

Did the BNP make a mistake?

Dilara Choudhury: No, they didn't make any mistake. Why participate in such an election? In 2018, they trusted Sheikh Hasina and participated in the election; what transpired? Sheikh Hasina betrayed that trust. Moreover, there is internal criticism within the party questioning why the BNP chose to participate in the 2018 elections.

What should the opposition parties do now?

Dilara Choudhury: Parliament has no opposition party now. But the constitution stipulates its necessity. Sheikh Hasina has announced her intention to determine who will be recognized as the opposition party. This is not in line with political or democratic principles but appears to be arbitrary. Those protesting on the streets are facing extremely challenging circumstances. I commend the BNP as a party for enduring severe oppression over the last 15 years. If the BNP launches an extensive program, the government will likely deploy all available state institutions and forces. The police, RAB, BGB, and various intelligence agencies all have betrayed the people. While the BNP, with the support of the people, may be contemplating the degree of government persecution, engaging in a confrontation with the armed forces is exceedingly difficult for them. This difficulty may compel them to expect assistance from external sources.

The ordinary people did not vote responding to the call of the BNP; what else can people do now? Or how long do they have to wait?

DC: The people exercised the power that rested in their hands. They did not go to cast their votes. What more can ordinary people do in such a situation? However, there is an end to everything.

The space for the civil society to have discussions is shrinking, what steps can be taken to address this?

Dilara Choudhury: What are we trying to convey? Our civil society thinks, 'How can I benefit?' They don't consider that I will also benefit, if people and the community develop. There should be profit, but it must be for everyone. We must engage in a conversation.

Is Bangladesh moving towards a one-party system, as some suggest, similar to those in North Korea or China? What is your assessment of the country's current political trajectory?

Dilara Choudhury: Sheikh Hasina aims to eliminate anyone she perceives as a rival to her power, including figures like Dr. Yunus. She believes her staying in power equates development, and defines development with remaining in power. She has redefined the concept of election, and the idea of development itself. Like the North Korean government's perspective, she asserts that development only means infrastructural development. But development does not mean houses, bridges, or roads; instead, it means the development of people and life. China, too, follows a specific system, where autocrats focus on power-centric definitions of democracy and development. The primary purpose of forming a state is to secure life, liberty, and freedom of expression. A government's role in the state is to safeguard these freedoms and human rights, constituting genuine development. In China, however, people lack rights and liberties under an authoritarian, one-party communist system. Sheikh Hasina's approach mirrors elements of dictatorship, seeking control through force to stifle dissent. This is what we see in North Korea. Along with China, India's support for Sheikh Hasina carries significant risks. Sheikh Hasina navigates the interests of two opposing forces, creating a situation where China has established a robust presence in Bangladesh. This poses the most significant threat to India, and the country may face severe consequences as Sheikh Hasina's strategy jeopardises its security.

Why do India, Russia, China, America, and other Western countries show such significant interest?

Dilara Choudhury: The global power dynamics are shifting from the Atlantic to the Pacific, with 35 countries in the Indian Ocean region experiencing economic emergence. As a result, there is a desire for dominance from China and America, with Russia adopting the "enemy of my enemy" theory to align against the U.S. due to existing sanctions. Russia doesn't have direct interests in this region but opposes the U.S. in alignment with China.

The actual conflict is witnessed between America and China, and unfortunately, Bangladesh finds itself at the centre of its Cold War dynamics. Being a poor country, Bangladesh faces potential existential challenges due to this geopolitical rivalry.

Does the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) have organisational weaknesses? How has the absence of a fully established committee or unit committee for cooperative organisations, particularly at the grassroots level and in major cities, affected the party's functionality? 

Dilara Choudhury: There are some organisational weaknesses within the party. With the party chief, Begum Khaleda Zia, in jail and Tarique Rahman being outside the country, Mirza Fakhrul lacks the leadership that the party previously had. Despite these challenges, the foundation upon which the party is standing and endurance exhibited must be praised.

Is the BNP allowing the government an opportunity to recover or take a breather? Following the 2014 and 2018 elections, no substantial movement was initiated. Despite being ten days post-election, no significant movement from the BNP has occurred. 

Dilara Choudhury: They face numerous hurdles. Nevertheless, those in Dhaka, excluding Begum Zia and Tarique Rahman, should have taken certain steps. They could have formed committees, particularly at the district level, and have kept them active. However, I wonder why they did not undertake these actions. It appears that everyone within the party is seeking guidance from London. In my opinion, there is a lack of democracy within the party. 

The U.S. discussed certain measures following the election. Can a similar initiative or set of actions emerge in the current context?

Dilara Choudhury: The U.S may not directly intervene in affairs, but India significantly influences our politics. Since 1972, India has intervened in various ways in our social and political spheres. It has impacted our politics, economy, government, state institutions, agencies, law enforcement, and civil society. In contrast, the U.S. has limited influence, mainly in economic terms. While the U.S. can impose sanctions or trade embargoes, it typically considers public safety before taking such actions.

However, the U.S. will play a role in Bangladesh to counter China's influence. The Indo-Pacific Strategy must be advanced, aligning with their interests in democracy, human rights, and good governance. Given its concerns about the situation in Burma, it is expected that the U.S. will take action in its own interest. China's regional dominance threatens American interests, especially considering Burma's strategic importance to China. Despite challenges, the U.S. is likely to engage in Bangladesh due to its geographical significance for both America and China.

What is the basis of the government's assertion that they are not concerned about American sanctions?

Dilara Choudhury: The government is making these statements out of fear. They are aware that any embargo or sanctions would indeed be detrimental to them and Bangladesh as a whole. In such a scenario, disgruntled citizens might take to the streets, and these rulers would likely be the primary targets, with their houses being set on fire. Ultimately, we, the ordinary people, would also bear the brunt of the consequences.

To what extent is the need for a neutral or non-political government for a fair election?

Dilara Choudhury: If a government is not neutral, there cannot be a fair election. It has been proven.

The government is trying to label the BNP as a terrorist group. What should the BNP do?

Dilara Choudhury: That will not be possible. Could they do it with the Jamaat? They even went to a Canadian court for a BNP once, but the Canadian court rejected that application. The BNP cannot be labelled as terrorists, even if attempts are made to use the courts for such purposes. BNP is a democratic party with widespread love and support from the people. So I think it will be impossible.

To what extent did the Awami League's division within the party during the election, while presenting the election as participative by involving loyal opposition parties, result in damage to the Awami League or overall political dynamics?

Dilara Choudhury: The manner in which the Awami League conducted this election, engaging in internal attacks, murders, and conflicts, leads me to believe that the organisational foundation of the Awami League will be weakened. According to various media reports, there have been instances of intra-party clashes, with reports indicating that they have caused the deaths of 30-40 people and injuries to 400 due to the election violence. Members of the party are filing lawsuits against each other. The Awami League will face a prolonged recovery from this situation.

What type of democracy is currently in place, and what is its trajectory? What strategies can be employed to overcome the challenges it faces?

Dilara Choudhury: After independence, Sheikh Mujib made a big mistake, asserting that the Awami League alone made the country independent, which has been a significant drawback for the party. This mindset of claiming credit for everything has led to substantial losses. We must break away from this approach. Political parties and civil society must engage in open dialogue and address collective issues.

Thank you. What do you expect from Bangla Outlook?

Dilara Choudhury: Thank you, and it is hoped that Bangla Outlook will always uphold people's aspirations and maintain objectivity without compromise.